Danka for Thank You, Bitteschön for Youre Welcome

Danka for Thank You, Bitteschã ¶n for You're Welcome Politeness is significant regardless of what nation youre visiting. In Germany, be that as it may, there is more prominent accentuation on customs and addressing individuals in bite the dust Hã ¶flichkeitsform:â addressing associates, partners, and individuals you dont know with Sie instead of du/you, which is saved more for family and dear friends.The same goes when communicating thank you and youre welcome in German. There is a progressively formal way and a less conventional method of expressing these articulations. Underneath you will discover a rundown separated all things considered, anyway numerous articulations are fine in the two circumstances since just expressing thank you and youre welcome is amenable all by itself. The most significant thing to remember is to utilize Sie/Ihnen and du as fitting. (If it's not too much trouble note that the interpretations are not generally exacting, yet rather an English comparable.) Progressively Formal Ways of Saying Thank You: Generally normal: Dankeschã ¶n, Danke sehr Other ways: Schã ¶nen Dank (Many thanks)Besten Dank (Best of thanks)Haben Sie vielen Dank! (Numerous thanks)Ich container Ihnen sehr dankbar (Im appreciative/grateful to you)Ich danke Ihnen (I say thanks to you)Herzlichen Dank (Heartfelt thanks)Ein herzliches Dankeschã ¶n (My/Our genuine thanks)Danke vielmals (much gratitude), Ich danke Ihnen vielmals Vielen Dank (much gratitude) Less Formal Ways of Saying Thank You DankeVielen Dank (Many thanks)Danke vielmals (Many thanks)Tausend Dank (Thanks a million) Progressively Formal Ways of Saying Youre Welcome Bitteschã ¶n Bitte sehrGern geschehen (It was my pleasure)Mit Vergnã ¼gen (With delight) Less Formal Ways of Saying Youre Welcome Bitte Gern geschehen (It was my pleasure)Gern (abbreviated type of Gern geschehen)Nichts zu danken (Dont notice it.)Schon gut (Thats fine. No problem)Kein Problem (No issue) You may require some different words for well mannered discussion, remembering seeing how to state please for German.

Cross Tabulation and Exploratory Data Analysis

Set up a fundamental investigation plan for this examination. Which factors do you need frequencies on? Why?The beginning phase of the information relationship and examination would be the correct coding of the information and section into a proper programming database. For this contextual investigation, the information was introduced as an Excel record, so the exploratory information examination would incorporate a total distinct factual computations and frequencies for pertinent inquiries. I would recommend questions that make ostensible or ordinal information are the most proper for recurrence tables, and give a more clear image of the overview respondents. The informational indexes might be used to affirm if the instructor test is illustrative of the general populace, and cross classifications directed to draw connections between's classes. I would recommend that information explicitly tending to respondents who require a master’s qualification, or those examining seeking after advanced education would be exceptionally compelling, as they speak to the potential understudy showcase. Specialists will likewise need to represent non-reaction mistakes and missing information inside the coding and investigation stages program, the program needs to proceed with the human sciences custom and fortify the undergrad educator training program, as high caliber under-graduate instruction is viewed as a major aspect of Wittenberg’s essential mission.Additionally, new scholastic activities, for example, the one proposed are progressively asked by the board to arrive at earn back the original investment inside their first working year. I don’t think the example was fitting for this examination on the grounds that the parameters of the efficient inspecting are not definite, for example, were the educators who previously finished a MEd degree remembered for the example? It would have been exceptional to mail the 400 reviews to an increasingly advantageous testing rather than the encompassing regions. It would be significantly better to see the market capability of the program.5. Which factors would you like to cross-arrange? Why?Given the idea of the examination questions, it is gainful to character, through crosstabulations, those educators who have not yet applied for their second licensure to instruct and what level of training those instructors as of now have. This would explain the potential market for the WU program. Moreover, cross-classifications to recognize potential instructors comparative with their home provinces would give a more clear image of those educators who could/would sensibly go to the WU program over another program nearer to their homes.A last cross organization that may demonstrate valuable is the quantity of instructors who right now are not affected by the new enactment, yet may look to the WU MEd. program for proficient advancement courses. As noted before, the new enactment presents an open door for to develop their alumni level projects, yet given the expenses to start another program, the choice to continue must be founded on legitimate and dependable research information. In this way, the exploratory research attempted is basic, as it will shape the establishment for any choices made by the college organization.

Traits of a Good Business Angel

Traits of a Good Business Angel Many successful companies would not have existed today if it were not for the seed capital provided to founders by business angels. Not many young entrepreneurs have the financial means to kick-start their new business successfully without monetary assistance. You may think of applying for a small business loan from a commercial bank or a private lending institution but where do you go when you fail to secure a substantial amount for these two institutions? © Shutterstock.com | rangizzzThis is where angels step in to help aspiring entrepreneurs realize their full potential and start their very own business. In this article, we will shed light on everything you must know about business angels; from 1) who they are, 2) how business angels help aspiring entrepreneurs to 3) the traits that help in identifying good business angels.WHO ARE ANGEL INVESTORS AND HOW IT WORKSAngel investors also known as business angels are those individuals who come from an affluent background and have enough financial means to provide startup capital to aspiring entrepreneurs often for a piece of the pie in return once the business is well established.Business angels usually pay a significant amount of money upfront so that it can be used to turn a ludicrous business idea into a reality. Now a question may pop up in your mind that ‘what’s in it for them?’ Well mostly, business angels usually invest in a great business in exchange for either ownership equ ity or convertible debt.HOW BUSINESS ANGELS HELP ASPIRING ENTREPRENEURSBy far, angel investing is one of the most important sources for investment in start-up businesses. In layman terms, angel investing is equity finance meaning a business angel uses his disposable income to provide adequate funding to a business if he or she sees the potential for a business to go a long way in the future.A business angel will most likely take shares in the business in exchange for providing equity finance. But that is not all; angels not only inject seed capital into the business but also bring their expertise, knowledge, experience and skills to the table in order to help the new entrepreneur in making his business venture grow. Usually, angels expect a return on investment over a span of 3-8 years.Angel investors also take the active part in the decision-making the process of running the business and usually secure a position as one of the board members of the company.WHAT TO LOOK FOR IN A BUSI NESS ANGEL BEFORE NEGOTIATINGYou may find many individual angel investors but how do you know whether the one you have approached is a good business angel or not? Working with business angels is truly a one of a kind experience because they bring a lot more to the table than just seed capital. They bring with them their expertise, strong connections, skills and experience that may help you in your quest for making your business venture grow exponentially.Personality of a Business AngelHere are some of the unmistakable characteristics of good angel investors that set them apart from the rest in the angel funding market.Trustworthy. Finding a trustworthy angel investor is critical because you do not want someone who may create problems for you and your business later by using the privileged information against you. Angel funding is more like a two-way street; it is important for the angel investor as well as the entrepreneur to be trustworthy and reliable. Find a business angel that y ou can rely on not only for monetary assistance but for guidance and knowledge too. A good business angel is the one who will invest in you and your team not only in your company. These are the kind of angels who focus on building a relationship with other investors and organizations. They also look forward to working with you in the long term as well.Good Decision Making Skills. Seasoned business angels don’t wait too long to dig into the nitty-gritty details when making a decision. They have an eye for talent, and if they see potential in you and your vision, they will make a swift decision and invest in your company right away. The best angel investors are those who take decisions based on the present situation and give their verdict straight away instead of making the entrepreneur go through a nail biting wait only to turn him down later. This not only slows down the fundraising process, but it is time-consuming too. Look for an angel whose primary goal is to help you kick sta rt your business venture and make you successful instead of anticipating their share of benefits from helping you grow.High Integrity and Collegiality. A good business angel is collegial that is, he looks forward to working in a cooperative work environment alongside other employees. This is the kind of winning attitude that you should look for in an angel investor because he will invest his time to help you develop your business by bringing in his experience, knowledge and skills to the table. Such business angels are high on integrity and most importantly, want to act as mentors for budding entrepreneurs who want to become successful in the corporate world. Collegiality often translates into the angel securing a seat as one of the Board of Directors of your company.Supporting and Challenging Entrepreneurs. Consider yourself lucky if you have an angel on board who is a successful entrepreneur himself because they have experienced it all. Such investors are fully aware of what it ta kes to develop a successful business and the challenges that your company will have to face in the initial stages. They know about the highs and lows that a new business venture has to undergo in the corporate world before tasting success. These are the investors who will push you and challenge you every step of the way and offer you suggestions when needed so as to make you grow as an entrepreneur during this whole journey of building a successful company. Good business angels are those who are very supportive of the entrepreneurs so much so that they will willingly roll up their sleeves or pick up the phone to help them in problematic situations.Patience. When it comes to angel investors, having patience is truly a virtue. A patient business angel understands the dynamics of business and understands that the profits do not start rolling in overnight. They do not think short term but instead they have the ability to visualize the bigger picture in terms of the company’s future. Y ou would want an angel who is relaxed and calm; not someone who is jittery and scared of challenges. Although it is hardly normal for one to remain calm when they have invested an enormous sum of money in a new startup, it is important to go with the flow and understand that new business startups face fantastic highs and threatening lows because key people leave when the going gets tough and competitors grow in numbers by the minute. But an enlightened angel will remain calm and find comfort in the fact that all new companies have to struggle in the initial years until they become stable.Enjoys Being an Angel. There is a common misconception that angel investors only want to enjoy the benefits of investing their top dollar in your business in its initial stages so they can get 7 dollars out of it when the venture is successful. It is true that if you make money, they make money and if you don’t, they don’t but that is not how most business angels think. There are many highly suc cessful individual business angels who are in it for the thrill of starting a new company including challenging situations, mentoring the aspiring entrepreneur and watch him become successful right before their eyes. Business angels are addicted to the thrill and adrenaline rush they get from tasting success again and again by investing in different startups.Risk Takers. No one can guarantee the success of a business venture right from the start. You may have a brilliant business idea, but there are several factors that may lead to failure. It is important for you to find an angel who is willing to take calculated risks and work with budding entrepreneurs who have no experience of running a new company. A business angel must be ready to mentor a new promising entrepreneur and help him achieve his goals by constantly coaching him and helping him every step of the way.Investment Decisions of a Business AngelFor most aspiring entrepreneurs, the process of angel funding for growing comp anies seems like a mysterious process since they are not sure of what exactly the angels are looking for. Take a look at what drives business angels to invest in a business idea pitched to them by a promising new entrepreneur.Following the Principle of Diversity. They never tell you to put all your eggs in one basket, but this statement has never been truer for angel funding. Angel investors follow the principle of diversity when it comes to making hefty investments because they understand that no two business ventures work on the same dynamics. Business angels understand that there are multiple paths to success and thinking out of the box is what impresses them. However, they do have their investment strategy that they use to make profitable investments in different companies by evaluating the potential of how far the business venture can go in the future. Angels are highly driven people who are fully aware of the pros and cons of investing in a particular business; simply put, the y know when to seize an opportunity and when to walk away.Eye for Talent. You may not have years of experience in running a business but if an angel thinks that you are talented, you’ve got it made because they invest in people and not companies. They believe that if an entrepreneur is persevering, talented and committed to making his business venture reach new heights, he will become a successful entrepreneur by modifying the business model.Believing That It Matters. Angel investors are always more likely to extend support to a business venture with a cause. When pitching your business idea to potential investors, you want to tell him how you came up with the idea and thought of turning it into a business because investors are always looking to invest in an idea that is authentic and genuine. An angel investor may just walk away if he comes across a ‘me too’ business opportunity.Engaged in Ventures. As discussed above, most of the business angels who invest money in new start ups want more than just equity shares of the company. They want to help the entrepreneur in every way they can and wish to actively participate in handling the different aspects of running a business. For instance, it may come to you as a surprise when a business angel offers to assist you in screening, referrals, board governance, and coaching rather than just providing monetary support.Rely On Due Diligence. Before making any commitments or signing a contract, a seasoned business angel will follow the due diligence process. A due diligence report is a legal and voluntary investigation that is carried out prior to funding any new startup so as to mitigate the risk of fraud and other unfavorable circumstances. The due diligence report also works in the favor of the entrepreneur because it helps him gain a full insight on the local playing field in order to become a market leader by devising meaningful strategies accordingly.Teachable. When angels say they prefer to commit to founder s who are teachable, they look forward to working with someone who is open to suggestions, new ideas and willing to make changes in their business idea if needed. Founders who are too rigid are sometimes not considered by angels as compared to those who are ready to listen, learn and improve.Strong Networker. Strong networks are highly sought after by business angels because they are more likely to build long-term relationship with their investors. Founders who bring in others on board to handle different aspects of running a business smoothly are preferred by business angels. The reason strong networkers have more potent chances of securing angel funding is because they are team builders who play well with others. They also add value to the business venture by reaching out to other angel investors via accredited platforms and angel groups.Coaching Support from a Business AngelBusiness angels extend full support to the entrepreneurs to turn a new business venture into a great succe ss. Here are three ways how businesses angels become a source of support for new entrepreneurs who are kick starting a new business venture.Relationship Builders Not Money Makers. It is only but natural to think that business angels would be more concerned regarding business operations since their money is on the line. But that is not exactly true. As discuss above, relationship building is an important aspect securing angel funding. Angel investors are always ready to help a new promising entrepreneur by extending full monetary and advisory support to them so that the company is run smoothly in the initial stages.Respect for Time. When it comes to running a profitable company, angels fully understand that time is money. They understand how important it is to devote a significant amount of time, energy, and resources for a company to become stable in its initial years. Therefore, the best angels will treat the time you give them with respect and won’t bother you unnecessarily.Invo lved In the Venture. The best business angels will always try to do everything they possibly can to facilitate the entrepreneur and ensure smooth sailing of the business venture right from the start. They will help you with hiring new people to bringing new venture capitalists on board to handling mundane everyday tasks like accounting, reporting, board governance, etc. But that’s not all; some angels will go out of the way to assist you by offering sound advice on brand management, networking, product strategies, etc.Great Mentors. Good business angels make great mentors. Since most angels have once been in the same shoes as the new entrepreneurs today, they are able to coach the entire team on how they can achieve success and make it big the jackpot in the corporate world. They also help them understand issues related to business ethics and how they can be resolved by implementing the best business practices.Strong Expertise. Another reason having a good angel by your side is th at they have the right skill set that is required to take a new business venture to great heights. Often, good business angels help aspiring entrepreneurs understand the unwritten rules of making it big in the corporate world using the right strategies for marketing their product by achieving customer excellence and good credibility. Seasoned angel investors are focused on the progress of the company which is why they also assist new entrepreneurs in calculating ROI and predicting new trends; thanks to their strong expertise in the field.Now that you know everything about business angels; from what impresses them to all the traits that make great business angels, you will now be able to tell the difference and be able to secure funding from the right business angel who will help you in all your endeavors to make your new company a great success.

Thin Layer Chromatography of the Unknown Analgesic - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 4 Words: 1115 Downloads: 7 Date added: 2017/09/17 Category Technology Essay Type Argumentative essay Did you like this example? Thin Layer Chromatography of the Unknown Analgesic Jessica Bajao*, Phoebe Abalos, Kevin Antiga, Carmelus Aseneta 3-Biology 2 College of Science, University of Santo Tomas, Manila, Philippines Abstract The group used five different analgesics in this experiment: aspirin, acetaminophen, ibuprofen, caffeine, and mefenamic acid. Six analgesics were spotted on the TLC plate including the unknown. After the development of the TLC plate, it was placed under ultraviolet light for the spots resulted to be traced. The distance from the origin to the solvent front and the distances from the origin to the center of each spot formed were measured to calculate for the retention factor. The resulted retention factor of the unknown is 0. 71 which is similar to ibuprofen which also has a retention factor of 0. 71. Using thin layer chromatography, we identified the unknown analgesic to be ibuprofen. Introduction [9] The history of chromatography begins during the mid-19th century. Chromatog raphy literally meant color writing which was primarily used for the separation of plant pigments such as xanthopyll. New types of chromatography were developed during the 19th century (and before) the first true chromatography is attributed to the Russian botanist, Mikhail Semyonovich Tsvet. He separated plant pigments with the used of columns of calcium carbonate during his research for chloropyll during the first decade if the 20th century. [9] During the 1940s and 1950s, chromatography became developed substantially as a result of the work of Archer John Porter Martin and Richard Laurence Millington Synge. They established basic techniques and principles of partition chromatography method: Paper chromatography, gas chromatography, and the high performance liquid chromatography. Technology has advanced rapidly since then. The main principles of Tsvet’s chromatography could be applied in many different ways, researchers found. Thus, using this as baseline, the improve d the techniques of chromatography, allowing the separation of increasingly similar molecules. [2] Chromatography is a collective term for the separation of mixtures in a set of laboratory techniques. It involves a mixture dissolved in a mobile phase passing through a stationary phase which separated the analyte from the other molecules in the mixture. [1] In other words, chromatography is the process of separating mixtures into their constituents by a preferred adsorption by a solid for example column of silica, a strip of filter paper, or by a gel. [8] Repeated absorption or desorption acts takes place during the movement of the sample to the stationary bed which determine the rates. The time spent in a column is directly proportional to the affinity a molecule has for the stationary phase. 8] Chromatography has several reasons which make it special. One is that it can separate complex mixtures with great precision. Chromatography can purify basically any soluble or volatile su bstance with the right adsorbent material, carrier fluid, and operating conditions. Another is that chromatography can be used to separate delicate products since it does not undergo any severe conditions. Therefore, the use of chromatography is best fitted in the field of biotechnology, specifically in separating mixtures of protein. [5] Chromatographic techniques are quite necessary in the analysis of modern day food and drugs. 6] A few of the widely popular techniques are gas chromatography (GC) which uses an inert gas as the mobile phase instead of a liquid solvent, and high performance liquid chromatography (HPLC) which is an improved column chromatography which is aided by gravity . [5] Thin layer chromatography (TLC), which also is a gas chromatography, is an analytical technique to determine the components of a mixture. [7] TLC also supports the identity of a compound in a mixture by comparing the Rf of a compound is compared with the Rf of a known compound. Results and Disc ussion The standards used were (1) aspirin, (2) acetaminophen, (3) ibuprofen, (4) caffeine and (5) mefenamic acid. The measured distance from the origin to the solvent front was 63 cm. Analgesic| Distance from the origin to the center of the spot (x)| Aspirin| 39 cm| Acetaminophen| 32 cm| Ibuprofen| 45 cm| Caffeine| 14. 5 cm| Mefenamic Acid| 44 cm| Unknown| 44. 5 cm| Table 1. The group’s data of the distances of each analgesic, including the unknown from the origin to the center of the spot formed. Analgesic| Solution| Refraction factor| Aspirin| 39 cm63 cm| 0. 62| Acetaminophen| 32 cm63 cm| 0. 51| Ibuprofen| 45 cm63 cm| 0. 71| Caffeine| 14. 5 cm63 cm| 0. 23| Mefenamic Acid| 44 cm63 cm| 0. 70| Unknown| 44. 5 cm63 cm| 0. 71| Table 2. The group’s result in computing for the refraction factor and the solutions. The table shows that the refraction factor of Ibuprofen is the same as the unknown. Figure 1. The TLC plate of commercial analgesics. The characteristic that the unknown exhibits is the same as ibuprofen. Both exhibited a kidney-shape. Based on the results, the group the group therefore concludes that the unknown is ibuprofen. Experimental The developing chamber was prepared by the group using a 200 mL beaker with filter paper shaped along the inside of the beaker leaving a small arc. Approximately 10 mL solvent system (25:1:1EtAc:EtOH:HAc) was prepared in the beaker. Aluminum foil was used to cover the beaker. The preparation of the TLC plate was the drawing of line across of the origin measuring 1 cm from the bottom and the solvent front which is . 5 cm from the top. The bottom line is called the origin and the line on the top is called the solvent front. On the origin, five dots were drawn equidistantly. A capillary tube was used in spotting samples on the TLC plate. The five analgesics were spotted 5 times on the numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 with aspirin, acetaminophen, ibuprofen, caffeine and mefenamic acid respectively. Lastly spot ted was the unknown A which was assign to our group. In developing the TLC plate inside the developing chamber, the group placed the TLC plate in a manner where the solvent system does not reach the plate’s origin. With the plate inside, capillary action would be observed starting from the most bottom part working its way up to the solvent front. The plate was taken out when it reached the solvent front then it was air dried. The dried plate was placed under a UV chamber. The glowing spots were traced very lightly by a pencil. Finally, the group calculated for the refraction factor by getting the distances from the origin to the center of each spots, our â€Å"x† and the distance from the origin to the solvent front, our â€Å"y† given the formula Rf = xy . References [1] https://dictionary. reference. com/browse/chromatography [2] https://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Chromatography 3] https://www. chemistry. sjsu. edu/straus/TLC%20htms/TLCoverview. htm [4] https: //itech. pjc. edu/tgrow/2211L/tlc_instr. pdf [5] Laboratory Experiments in Organic Chemistry (2005) compiled/edited by Carlos Garcia, PhD. University of Santo Tomas. College of Science. Manila. [6] https://www. chemguide. co. uk/analysis/chromatography/hplc. html [7] https://orgchem. colorado. edu/hndbksupport/TLC/TLC. html [8] https://www. rpi. edu/dept/chem-eng/Biotech-Environ/CHROMO/chromintro. html [9] https://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Chromatography#History Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Thin Layer Chromatography of the Unknown Analgesic" essay for you Create order

Analysis Of Sherman Alexie s The Lone Ranger And Tonto...

Culture is a system of how one self-identifies. The dominant culture sets the values and expectations of society ideals. When one tries to silently assimilate into the dominant culture without losing their heritage a Hybrid is created. Sherman Alexie’s combination of short stories, The Lone Ranger and Tonto Fistfight in Heaven, highlights the many struggles Native Americans face within their culture while trying to fit into the White culture. The telling of these stories reveals the Hybridity Native Americans have become; with the white ideals creating a people who are a part of two cultures but belong to neither. The use of traditional Native American names and images by the White culture perpetuates a blatant categorization of Native Americans that continues to marginalize them. Native American names including but not limited to the Sioux, Blackhawks, Seminoles, Redskins, Indians, and Chiefs are all current names held by high school, college, professional, and even some youth teams in White society. Along with some teams is a comical depiction of or even a mascot that is an Indian; which further mocks Native American culture by leading participation in dances, â€Å"War-Whooping,† and misuse of symbolism. Victor reflects on this cultural appropriation by stating, â€Å"Indians can easily survive the big stuff. Mass murder, loss of language, and land rights. It’s the small things [like this] that hurt the most,†(49). His thoughts have a humorous cover to the pain that is beneathShow MoreRelatedAnalysis Of Sherman Alexie s The Lone Ranger And Tonto Fistfight 1233 Words   |  5 PagesThroughout â€Å"The Lone Ranger and Tonto Fistfight in Heaven† the theme of resilience is deliberately presented. Native Americans past and present continue to face stifling issues such as racism, alcoholism, isolation and suicide. Sherman Alexie makes it his obligation in his stories and poems to show Native American resiliency through humor. By using his characters to show resiliency through humor Alexie presents humor as an integral part of Native American survival. In Sherman Alexie’s best workRead MoreAnalysis Of Sherman Alexie s The Lone Ranger And Tonto Fistfight 932 Words   |  4 PagesThe short story The Lone Ranger and Tonto Fistfight in Heaven lets us know that Sherman Alexie is a Native American poet, novelist, and performer. Sherman Alexie s key characteristics to his writing are irony and dark humor. Sherman Alexie’s main focus in his writing is his experience as a Native American. â€Å"The Lone Ranger and Tonto Fistfight in Heaven† is a short story that talks about his relationship with a white woman. 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Sherman Alexie expresses this idea of a modern-day warrior in his book The Lone Ranger and Tonto Fistfight in Heaven. Many times, throughout the book Alexie brings up the idea of warriors and uses their actions to portray them to seem noble. Multiple characters in the book want to change their current outlook on life and breakRead MoreAnalysis Of Sherman Alexie s Lone Ranger And Tonto Fistfight Heaven 1598 Words   |  7 Pageshas been shown through Sherman Alexie’s Lone Ranger and Tonto Fistfight in Heaven. In this novel, he attempts to shed light on the struggles Native American people, specifically on the Spokane Reservation, withstand through multiple stories and perspectives. Some novels, if their perspective of truth has not been taken into account, still affect people in their everyday lives, albeit major or minor. 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In this novel, he attempts to shed light of the struggles Native American people, specifically on the Spokane Reservation, withstand through multiple stories and perspectives. Some novels, if their perspective of truth is not taken into account, still affect people in their every day lives, albeit major or minor. While all novels do have lessons, whether they be good or bad,  an author s obligation to tell the truthRead MoreRhetorical Analysis Of Sherman Alexie s The Lone Ranger And Tonto Fistfight Heaven 1448 Words   |  6 PagesHumor: Sherman Alexie’s Comic Connections and Disconnections in The Lone Ranger and Tonto Fistfight i n Heaven,† the author Joseph L. Coulombe, writes about the humor used in Sherman Alexie’s short stories. Coulombe argues that in Sherman Alexie’s stories that humor is essential for character development and the creation of bonds between these characters. He often makes statements discussing how humor allows Alexie’s characters to show strength and connect to their Indian heritage. â€Å"The Lone RangerRead More Analysis of Sherman Alexies The Lone Ranger and Tonto Fistfight in Heaven and Smoke Signals582 Words   |  3 PagesAnalysis of Sherman Alexies The Lone Ranger and Tonto Fistfight in Heaven and Smoke Signals   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Sherman Alexie based on some short stories included in his book, The Lone Ranger and Tonto Fistfight in Heaven, wrote the screenplay for the movie Smoke Signals. Both the movie and the book portray problems that Indians had to deal with, and how they dealt with it. The book is far more complex than the movie, showing a wider variation of characters facing different situations.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In

Independence Day of Bangladesh Free Essays

string(133) " the unifying force in this country; Islam was understood, interpreted, and exercised in different ways in these two separate wings\." On 26 March, 1971 the independence of Bangladesh was declared and the Liberation War began. The people of then-East Pakistan took part in this war to liberate Bangladesh from the oppression of military leaders of Pakistan. Independence for Bangladesh was gained through a nine-month civil war against the Pakistani Army, which resulted in the loss of about 3 million lives. We will write a custom essay sample on Independence Day of Bangladesh or any similar topic only for you Order Now [2] The Mukti Bahini (Bengali â€Å"freedom fighters†), with military support from India, defeated the Pakistani Army on 16 December in the same year, which is celebrated as Victory Day. Bangladesh and Pakistan The creation of Pakistan contained the germs of discord between â€Å"West Pakistanis† and Bangalis. Initially, the population of East Bengal supported the creation of Pakistan, that is, the partition of the Indian subcontinent into two constituent parts following the withdrawal and departure of the British. The Bengali support for the creation of Pakistan was a result of the transformation of the Bangalis in British occupied India. During the British rule in the Indian subcontinent, the dominant section of the Muslim upper class had two components, the zamindars (landlords) and the ulema (clergy). A few words about these â€Å"landlords† is absolutely necessary. The British consolidated their rule in Bengal by instituting the zamindars. The zamindari and-holding system gave the land-owners the right to crop share and revenue collection from the cultivators in the land entitled to them by the British. In return these land-owners would provide an annual entitlement charge to the colonial authorities. The Muslim League represented these â€Å"men of property and influence. In order to counter the Indian Congress’ support among the nationalist Muslim communities as well as serve as a counter-weight to Indian nationalism, the Muslim League advanced the notion of â€Å"two-nation theory. † The communal separatists devised the â€Å"two-nation theory. † This â€Å"theory† claimed that the Muslims and the Hindus in the subcontinent constituted two different and irreconcilable nationalities. This â€Å"theory† did not explain how in spite of v ast class, linguistic, ethnic, social, and cultural differences, Muslims in the subcontinent constituted one nation, other than that the Muslim constitute a nified nation on a basis of â€Å"divine sanction. † The idea of a distinct state for the Indian Muslims was first proposed by Muhammed Iqbal; his scheme, which did not include Bengal, was confined to setting up a separate state for Indian Muslims in the North-West of the subcontinent. The name Pakistan was coined by Chaudhuri Rahmat Ali along with a group of students in Cambridge. Pakistan was an acronym that stood for Punjab, Afgania (Pathan), Kashmir, Sind, and istan, which is Persian for country. Hence, Rahmat Ali’s scheme too failed to include the â€Å"lesser breed† of Bangali Muslims. The demand for Pakistan was originally dismissed as a naive scheme. It was initially viewed as nothing more than a bargaining tool for the leaders of the Indian Muslims. Despite the incorporation of the demand for Pakistan into its program, the Muslim League failed to mobilize grass-root Muslim support for itself. This fact is reflected in the Muslim League inability to attain a majority among Indian Muslims prior to the election of 1946. In its struggle for independence from the British, the Indian National Congress had utilized the religious sentiment of Muslims towards the Turkish Sultanate under the Caliphate title. The Muslims supported Turkey which had entered the First World War on the German side against the British. The Indian nationalist leaders built up the Khalifat movement against the British. However, the Khalifat movement died its natural death when Kamal Atuatur, the reformist dictator, abolished the nominal position of Caliphate in 1924. The Indian Congress’ strength among Indian Muslims never quite reached the level that it had during the Khalifat movement. Subsequently, the Muslim League gained and exerted influence on the Muslim anti-colonialist movement. It was Jinnah, earlier hailed as â€Å"the ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity,† who led the demand for Pakistan under the slogan of â€Å"Divide and Quit. † This demand was the political expression embodying the national aspirations of Muslim landlords, rising business men, civil servants, mullahs (priests), and religious pirs (saints). The demand for an independent state for Indian Muslims became a living force among the Muslim masses because of its appeal to Indian Muslims that they would have separate development free from what was described as Hindu domination and exploitation, with an opportunity for economic prosperity. On March 23, 1940, the Muslim League adopted the Lahore Resolution, moved by Fazlul Huq of Bengal, which called for political independence by creating two states for Muslims. It stated: â€Å"the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in a majority as in the North-Western and Eastern Zones of India should be grouped to constitute ‘Indian States’ in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign. † The Lahore Resolution, which later came to be widely discussed and debated, was effectively by-passed by the Delhi Resolution. Moved by H. S. Suhrawardy of Bengal and adopted in the Muslim League Legislators’ Convention on April 9, 1946, it stated: â€Å"any formula devised by the British Government for transferring power from the British to the people of India†¦ will not contribute to the solution of the Indian problem [unless]†¦ the Zones comprising Bengal and Assam in the North-East, and the Punjab, the NWFP, Sind and Baluchistan in the North-West of India†¦ be constituted into one sovereign independent state and†¦ implement the establishment of Pakistan†¦ wo separate constitution-making bodies be set up for Pakistan and Hindustan† (emphasis added). Pakistan, as it came into being, was the paradigm of an artificial state. This newly independent state was a geographical anomaly; it was separated into two parts by approximately 1,600 kilometers of Indian territory. The Western part consisted of the provinces of Sind, Baluchistan, North-West Frontier Province (NWFP), an d a divided section of the Punjab, while the Eastern part consisted solely of East Bengal. The socio-cultural diversity between the two wings of Pakistan was enormous. In fact, this diversity was extended even to the very basis, the ideological pretext, that is, the religion of the people, which was to serve as the unifying force in this country; Islam was understood, interpreted, and exercised in different ways in these two separate wings. You read "Independence Day of Bangladesh" in category "Essay examples" The history of Islam in â€Å"West Pakistan† and East Bengal was completely dissimilar. In spite of having established Pakistan on the basis of the â€Å"two-nation theory,† a section of the high command of the Muslim League still retained the idea of establishing a secular parliamentary state. The contradiction in the position was clearly spelt out in Jinnah’s inaugural address to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on August 11, 1947. He declared: â€Å"Any idea of a United India could have never worked and†¦ would have led us to a terrific disaster†¦ we should begin to work in that spirit and in course of time all these angularities of the majority and minority communities—the Hindu community and the Muslim community—because even as regards Muslims you have Pathans, Punjabis, Shias, Sunnis and so on and among the Hindus you have Brahmins, Vashnavas, Khatris, also Bengalees, Madrasis, and so on—will vanish†¦ his [difference] has been the biggest hindrance on the way of India to attain her freedom and independence and but for this we would have been a free people long ago†¦ you are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in this state of Pakistan. You ma y belong to any religion or caste or creed—that has nothing to do with the business of the State. We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one State†¦ ou will find that in course of time, Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Hindus and Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State† (emphasis added). The theoretical confusion and the opportunistic nature of Pakistan’s ruling elite is clear in Jinnah’s inaugural speech. The Pakistani ruling-class, having established the state of Pakistan on the basis of the â€Å"two-nation theory,† could not find the ideological justification for establishing a secular state. The mullahs and the right-wing elements in the Muslim League wanted Pakistan to be a state with â€Å"pan-Islamic ideals† since Pakistan, they claimed, was not merely a state for Indian Muslims but also a â€Å"Muslim State. † The mullahs and their allies argued that since Pakistani was established to be a state for the Muslims in India, the state structure and its laws should be based upon the precepts laid in the medieval religious laws. Yet, the liberal bourgeois component of the Pakistani ruling class wanted to establish a secular state that functioned on the basis of civic laws. If, indeed, religion had nothing to do with â€Å"the business of the State,† then why carve a separate state for Indian Muslims? The Pakistani ruling elite were confronted with the dilemma of over-riding their own claim that Pakistan was to be an Islamic state for Indian Muslims. The liberal bourgeoisie could not justify advancing secularism in Pakistan since the state was established on the basis that Muslims in India constitute not just a distinct religious community, but a separate nation. That the Indian Muslims did not constitute one homogenous nationality became apparent in the confrontation of nationalities in the state of Pakistan and the eventual secession of East Bengal from Pakistan. The secession of East Bengal demonstrated that the claims of national unity based upon religious conceptions could not prevent the disintegration of the state of Pakistan. The crisis of the pakistani ruling elite An Analyis of the of Poisition of the Bangalis Under Pakistani Rule in the 1950s The Muslim League, the first ruling party of Pakistan, lacked a mass base. The Muslim League came into power in Pakistan after having succeeded in dividing the subcontinent into two, following the departure of British. The central government of the state of Pakistan was set up in the Western wing of the state primarily because most of the upper class of â€Å"Musalman† aristocrats migrated to the western wing. The fundamental difficulties facing the Pakistani ruling class were: one, to construct a viable polity, and two, to integrate the various nationalities into this bizarre state, separated into two wings. Throughout the history of Pakistan, the province of East Bengal had a greater population than all the other provinces of Pakistan combined, as the following table shows: Povince Population in millions 1951 1961 1971 East Bengal 41. 9 50. 8 70 West Pakistan 33. 7 42. 9 60 The central state apparatus, the military and the civil service, was dominated by the Muslim immigrants from North India and by the Punjabis. The North Indian Muslims were involved in the British administration in Delhi. Hence, they dominated the civilian administration in Pakistan. The Punjab had served as the garrison of the British Indian Army. Hence, the Punjabis dominated the military in Pakistan. The Muslim League decided to make Urdu the sole state language of Pakistan, although only 3 per cent of the population of Pakistan spoke Urdu and over 56 per cent spoke Bangla. Since Urdu was the language of the dominant class in Pakistan and hence the language of upper echelons of the Muslim League leadership, the ruling party decided that Urdu was to be the sole state language of Pakistan. The explanation provided by the Pakistani ruling elite was that, since Urdu had more similarity with Arabic and Persian, it was a more â€Å"Islamic† language and since Bangla was derived from pre-existing Indian languages, primarily Sanskrit, it was a â€Å"Hindu† language. The Pakistani ruling elite’s language proposal did not meet any organized and serious challenge in the Western wing because the languages of West Pakistanis had an affinity in nature, structure, and vocabulary with Urdu. However, for Bangalis, Urdu was an alien and unrelated language. Thus, the Bangali intelligentsia and political leadership proposed that both Urdu and Bangla be declared as the state languages. On March 11, 1948 a province-wide strike was held to protest the central government’s chauvinist policy of rejecting the language of the majority of the people as unfit to be a state language. Student demonstrations took place all across East Bengal. In his first trip to East Bengal on March 21, 1948 at Dhaka (then Dacca) the Governor-General â€Å"Quaid-I-Azam† (literally, the Great Leader) Jinnah declared (in English! ): â€Å"Let me make it clear to you that the State Language of Pakistan is going to be Urdu and no other language. Anyone who tries to mislead you is really the enemy of Pakistan†¦ so far as the State Language is concerned Pakistan’s language shall be Urdu. † The Bangalis did not accept Jinnah’s claim and continued their resistance to the imposition of Urdu language. Subsequent attempts by the Pakistani rulers to replace Bangla script, first with Arabic scripts, and later with Roman scripts, failed due to the public outcry and popular mobilization led by the students and the intellectuals, supported by the middle class and by some sections of the workers and the peasants. The protests on the language issue culminated on February 21, 1952, when police fired on a student demonstration and killed several students and bystanders. Politically, the killings led to the formation of the United Front. The killings also led to the emergence of a new literary and cultural tradition of protests and secularism among the Bangali bourgeoisie. The cultural tradition that arose was â€Å"sigh of oppressed† against Pakistani elite’s use of religious nationalism. We cannot underestimate the importance of this event in emergence of the Bangali nationalism. The Bangalis viewed the Pakistani elite’s attempt to impose Urdu as the state language as a design to prevent them from full participation in the state rule. Hence, the death of students while protesting the language policy became an event to rally public support for the Bangali cause. This day was, and still is, celebrated by Bangalis as Eukushey February (martyr’s day on February 21). Indeed, this event has become ingrained in the Bangali national political consciousness. Meanwhile, the economic colonization and the expropriation of wealth of East Bengal by the West Pakistani ruling elite had already begun. East Bengal was the world’s largest producer of raw jute (a fiber), which was Pakistan’s main foreign exchange earner. The foreign trade statistics in its first decade for Pakistan were as follows: Foreign Trade Figures (millions of rupees) 5 Year Period East Bengal West Pakistan Exports Imports Exports Imports 1947-52 4582 2129 3786 4769 1952-57 3969 2159 3440 5105 While East Bengal was earning a larger share of Pakistan’s exports, West Pakistan had the greater share in imports of consumer goods, industrial machineries, and raw materials. Thus, the embryonic nature of exploitative relation was formulated in early the days of Pakistan. The inter-wing trade policy was designed to allow the West Pakistani manufacturing sector to dispose its commodities in East Bengal at a price higher than world market. In spite of rhetoric of the â€Å"national unity,† the export earnings of East Bengal were being used to finance the development of Karachi, the major commercial city of West Pakistan, and the Punjab, the dominant province of West Pakistan. In financial year 1948-49, the allocation for provincial development expenditure was as the following table indicates: Province Amount Allocated (millions rps) East Bengal 40 Punjab 50 Sind 25 NWFP 5 As the above table shows, the Pakistani ruling elite was interested more in the development of provinces of West Pakistan, though the majority of the country’s population lived in East Bengal. Up to 1951, total expenditure on development projects of Pakistan was 1,126 million Rs. , out of which only 28 million was for East Bengal (1986, 20). The Pakistani ruling elite, instead of remedying inequities that existed between the development of productive forces of the two wings, chose an economic policy that benefited the interests of West Pakistan based manufacturing sector that sold its commodities in East Bengal. Later, I will examine the intensification of the economic exploitation of East Bengal during the era of the military regime. The growth of dissent in East Bengal An Analysis of the Bangali Quest for Autonomy in First Decade of Pakistani Rule On June 23, 1949 the Awami Muslim League was established. The Awami Muslim League was the first opposition party that came into being in Pakistan. The Awami League was led by Maulana Bhashani, a peasant and religious leader and by Suhrawardy, who at one point had advocated a United Bengal but also supported the Muslim League on some occasions. The membership of Awami Muslim League consisted of two elements. The first elements were those whose political ideology was not fundamentally different from the Muslim League, but who had concluded that the increasing discrimination against the Bangalis on racial and provincial basis would hinder their access to political power. The second elements were younger and more radical, whose political ideology was different from the Muslim League. They found little worthy of admiring in political ideology of the pan-Islamism and the spirit of â€Å"two-nation theory. â€Å" The Awami Muslim League was essentially a provincial party. The political agenda of Awami League emphasized grievances of Bangalis that had developed primarily due to failure of the Pakistani ruling elite to recognize Bangla as a state language. The Awami League called for such policies as (i) abolishing the British-instituted zamindari (landlord) system, (ii) nationalization of key industries, and (iii) utilization of the jute sector for the benefit of the people of the East Bengal. Even in its early days, the League began reflecting the interests of a considerable section of the Bangali urban bourgeoisie not only of the provincial capital Dhaka but also of the district towns. The League, in October 1955, dropped â€Å"Muslim† from its nomenclature in order to attract non-Muslims into its fold. The Basic Principle Committee (BPC) of the National Constitutional Assembly published its report in February, 1950. It called for the reorganization of Pakistan’s provinces into two units: West Pakistan and East Pakistan. The legislature was to have two houses. In the upper house there would be equal numbers of members from the two constituting units, while the lower house would be elected on the basis of population. Initially, it did not specify the number of seats in the houses. Later, the proposed distribution of seats were as follows: Province Upper House Lower House Total East Bengal 10 165 175 Punjab 10 75 85 NWFP 10 24 34 Sind 10 20 30 Baluchistan 10 16 26 Total 50 300 350 The upper house was to be indirectly elected. The governmental mechanism would be a combination of presidential and parliamentary systems, with a substantial executive power and the choice of selecting the Prime Minister being retained with the President. The BPC called for declaring Urdu as the state language. The Bangali political leadership was outraged at the proposals of the BPC, particularly the language issue. The Bangalis viewed the proposals as a scheme to perpetuate West Pakistani, or rather Punjabi, political hegemony over the central government. The proposals evoked indignation among Bangalis because their numerical strength would be reduced in a joint session of legislature, which was to settle any disputes. Moreover, the scope of arbitrary use of autocratic power by the President could enable the Pakistani ruling class to secure support for itself and counter any Bangali schemes for changing the status quo. For Bangali bourgeoisie it was clear that the BPC proposals would further reduce their already limited role in the state. The anti-BPC political maneuvers of Bangali politicians led to the Grand National Convention (GNC). Although some West Pakistani opposition leaders participated, the GNC was primarily an initiative of Bangali bourgeois leadership. According to the GNC proposals, the power of the central government would be limited to foreign policy and defense. The proposals at the GNC called for a unicameral legislature, with seats being distributed among the provinces on the basis of population. The GNC also proposed that the federal capital be established in Islamabad (West Pakistan) and every other session of the federal parliament be held in Dhaka (East Bengal). These proposals reflected the popular Bangali demand that both Bangla and Urdu should be the state languages of Pakistan. In essence, the GNC proposals were an attempts to ensure the political participation of the Bangalis in the state’s decision making process. The counter-proposals assume that the national interests of the Bangalis could be safeguarded if the Bangalis were able to exercise their due political rights within the framework of a bourgeois democratic polity. Another response to West Pakistani dominance of the national political scene was the formation of the Youth League in February 1951. Its formation was inspired by the â€Å"Rajshahi jail thesis. † It acted as a counter to state-sponsored ideology of pan-Islamism. They felt that if the central government were to grant East Bengal autonomy, the province would be better off. Since the Youth League had a substantial number of young radicals, the thrust of its propaganda was to show that the Pakistani elite was exploiting East Bengal. For example, in its manifesto, the League pointed out, quoting Pakistani government statistics, that the Consumer Product Index (CPI) had gone up from 100 in 1939 (base year) to 174 in 1948 and 214 in 1949. Also, the Youth League stressed the secular aspects of Bangali culture, such as the Phaila Baishak (Bangali New Year), and Rabindranath Tagore’s birthday. In addition,it called for an end to all forms of regionalism and communal discrimination. Another reaction to the domination of political power by the West Pakistani ruling elite was the establishment of the United Front, an alliance of political parties. It was composed of the Awami League, Krishak Sramik Party, Ganatantric Dal and other small parties. Its political platform for the election was based on a 21-point agenda, which emphasized declaring Bangla as one of the state languages of Pakistan. The 21-point demands also included plans for abolishing the land-holding system, ending high interest on agricultural credit extended to farmers by the rural moneyed class, nationalizing the jute industry, providing fair prices to jute cultivators, and implementing cooperative farming. The United Front’s program also demanded that the relation between East Bengal and West Pakistan be restructured on the basis of full regional autonomy; the program identified three subjects for the central government, namely, defense, foreign affairs, and currency. As confidence building measures, the United Front’s program suggested that Pakistan’s Naval Head Quarters be relocated to East Bengal and that an arms manufacturing factory be built in East Bengal. The provincial election of East Bengal in March 1954 was a big shock for the Pakistani ruling elite. Basing its campaign on these demands, the United Front won 227 out of 236 of Muslim seats. Even the Communists won 5 seats. The Muslim League, which was the ruling party, won only 10 seats out of 309. This landslide victory revealed how estranged the Bangali masses were because of the failure of the Muslim League to deliver on the promises made during the campaign for Pakistan. The Muslim League, the party of the elite that came to power in Pakistan, promised that once the state of Pakistan came into being, Bangalis would be liberated from foreign exploitation and that national policy would be geared towards their benefit. The United Front’s campaign had succeeded because it raised the slogan of the Bangalis’ grievances against the central government’s discrimination. On May 30, 1954 the United Front government was dismissed by the central government. The Prime Minister Mohammed Ali explained: â€Å"Our sole aim in taking over the administration of the province is to save East Bengal and preserve the integrity of Pakistan. † In order to â€Å"save† East Bengal, Major-General Iskander Mirza was appointed the Governor by the central government. After a year of political intrigue and bargaining, the provincial assembly was restored and the Governor’s rule ended. By then, a section of the United Front had broken with the Awami League in order to form a ministry in the provincial government. The crisis of Pakistani ruling class in the 1950s An Analysis of the Constitutional Crisis and Political Instability In October 1954, the conflicts between the Governor-General and the Constituent Assembly led the Governor-General to dismiss the Constituent Assembly and proclaim a state of Emergency. The dissolution of the Constituent Assembly led to a further increase of the bureaucratic power over the state of Pakistan. Earlier, the Governor-General Ghulam Mohammed dismissed Khwaja Nazimuddin and appointed Mohammed Ali Bogra as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Despite the directive of the Awami League, Suhrawardy joined Bogra’s cabinet as the law minister. Though he himself had been an ardent exponent of provincial autonomy, Suhrawardy supported the One Unit scheme. The One Unit scheme was forced upon the Provincial Assemblies, which elected the Second Constituent Assembly. On March 23, 1956 Pakistan become a republic with Iskander Mirza as its first President. The creation of the republic did not, however, enable the Pakistani ruling-class either to resolve the â€Å"national question† vis-a-vis the Bangalis (as well other nationalities) or to establish political stability by the formation of a secure ruling-class political party. The first republic lasted only till October 1958. Within this brief period, there were four Prime Minister of Pakistan. During that period, the provincial politics in East Bengal was reduced to a farce, with provincial governments changing off and on. The political formation was made of rapidly changing allegiance at the center of the Muslim League and the Republican Party, and at East Bengal provincial level of the Awami League and the Krishak Sramik Party. In East Bengal, the AL and the KSP battled for governmental positions. The regular shifts of the allegiance of the members of the legislature were promoted because the country’s bourgeois leadership was corrupt and its political leaders desired to promote personal gains. On September 11, 1956 Suhrawardy formed a coalition government that included the Awami League. On becoming the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Suhrawardy declared that East Bengal has been granted 98 per cent autonomy. However, nothing substantial was done to alter the actual condition of East Bengal. The lack of initiative of their politicians to change the socioeconomic conditions of East Bengal was regarded by the Bangali bourgeoisie as a betrayal of the Bangali cause. Within the Awami League, the central government’s failure to guarantee East Bengal’s regional interests led to the formation of factions, one led by Suhrawardy and the other led by Bhashani. Suhrawardy supported the design of Pakistan’s elite in joining the US-sponsored military pacts. The differences within the Awami League surfaced at the Kagmari conference of the party because the Leftist formation within the Awami League refused to accept Suhrawardy’s compromises with the Pakistani ruling elite. Bhashani’s rhetoric led him to declare that, unless complete autonomy were granted to East Bengal, then Assalumu Alakikum (Farewell) to Pakistan. Meanwhile, the politics of intrigue at the central government continued; Suhrawardy was forced to resign. A general election was scheduled for 1959. This election was never to be held. With the proclamation of Martial Law on October 7, 1958, President Mirza abrogated the constitution, dismissed the central and the provincial governments, and banned all political parties. The imposition of martial law abolished what little prospect there was to the establishment a viable bourgeois democratic process in Pakistan. The military stepped into the power because the civilian faction of the ruling-class had been unable to set a political structure that would contain the â€Å"national question. The junta used the disparity between East Bengal and West Pakistan, and the instability of the political process to justify its taking over the power. In its first decade of rule, the Pakistani ruling elite would dismiss the grievances of the Bangali national bourgeoisie as a plot to undermine the unity of the â€Å"Muslim† state. The ruling elite would charge and accuse that the Bangalis’ c all for the decentralization of state power and even their call for the secularization of the state, as being inspired by secessionist elements, foreign agents, or India, the â€Å"natural† enemy of Pakistan. Ethnic and racial discriminations against the Bangalis went along with the limitation of the political rights of the Bangalis. The imposition of martial law served to reduce the numerical strength of the Bangalis that they could use even if an underdeveloped bourgeois democracy were to emerge in Pakistan. For the Bangali bourgeoisie, the failure of civilian rule and subsequent military takeover further limited its role and scope in the political arena because the military was predominantly West Pakistani. From the perspective of the Bangali bourgeoisie, the military intervention was an attempt to ensure the West Pakistani dominated military’s role in the state structure, particularly because the scheduled general elections would have allowed the Bangalis to exercise their numerical strength to gain political power. Due to the establishment of barricades that prevented their participation, the Bangali bourgeoisie become disillusioned with the concept of the Islamic state of Pakistan. Their struggle for autonomy intensified as a result of the failure of the newly emergent state of Pakistan to deliver the Bangali bourgeoisie a fair share of power and privileges. The Ayub Khan regime An Analysis of Pakistani Military Dictatorship and the Bangalis The proclamation of martial law led to the dismissal of President Iskander Mirza, when General Ayub Khan took over power and proclaimed himself President of the Republic on October 27, 1958. The military regime justified its actions by claiming that the country was headed towards â€Å"national disintegration. The imposition of martial law brought the military faction, which had already a power-base within the West Pakistani dominated system, into the forefront of state rule. The Ayub regime promised a â€Å"growth-oriented economy† and political stability. An important aspect of the ideology of the Pakistani state during this period was the slogan of â€Å"national unity. † Following the political agitation and reaction of the Bangalis in the 1950’s, the Pakistani ruling elite had become attentive to the regional disparity and the Bangalis’ dissatisfaction with the status quo. In spite of the Pakistani elite’s acknowledgment of the existence of disparity, the growth of imbalance and disparity between the wings continued. In effect, although the ruling elite acknowledged the existence of disparity between the two wings, it did nothing substantial to remedy the situation. As the state was the major promoter of economic growth and initiative, the bias in economic development and growth remained in favor of West Pakistan. Due to the relative weakness of Bangali bourgeoisie, the position of the Bangalis deteriorated not only within the Pakistani ruling elite but in comparison with the West Pakistanis too. After the partition of the subcontinent, the emergence of state-sponsored capitalism in East Bengal was hampered mainly because its jute-producing areas became de-linked from the jute-processing mills of Calcutta in West Bengal. This allowed the penetration of West Pakistani industrial and merchant capital into East Bengal. The change in government did nothing to alter the bias and the racist attitude towards the Bangalis. President of the republic Ayub Khan himself expressed his opinion as follows: they [the Bangalis] have all the inhibitions of down-trodden races and have not yet found it possible to adjust psychologically to the requirements of the new born freedom. Their popular complexes, exclusiveness, suspicion and a sort of defensive aggressiveness probably emerge from†¦ historical background. † The dictator’s musing on the Bangalis reflected the popular stereotype of the Bangalis held by the West Pakistani ruling elite. Such racist conceptualization was a p rerequisite for the ruling elite to culturally oppress the Bangalis. With the promulgation of the â€Å"Basic Democratic† system, the military regime believed it could legitimize its rule. Under the â€Å"Basic Democracy† system, the National Assembly was elected by an equal number of 40,000 â€Å"Basic Democrats† both in East Bengal and in West Pakistan. The â€Å"Basic Democrats† were linked in a series of tiered-system that also elected the President. (Needless to say, there was not anything remotely democratic in the â€Å"Basic Democrats† scheme. ) The regime claimed that the British model of bourgeois democracy was unsuitable for an underdeveloped state like Pakistan. However, the â€Å"Basic Democracy† formula was unable to obstruct the development of Bangali nationalism. On June 8, 1962 the military regime lifted martial law after the election of the National Assembly. In effect, the country came under the rule of the â€Å"Basic Democrat† system, which served the Ayub Khan dictatorship. This Constitution was opposed not only by the Bangali bourgeoisie but also by the West Pakistani political opposition. The opposition at the national level formed the Combined Opposition Party (COP). In September 1964, the COP nominated Fatima Jinnah, the sister of M. A. Jinnah, as its candidate for Presidential elections. In the Presidential election, although Fatima Jinnah lost, she did much better in East Bengal, where she received 46. 6 per cent of the votes cast compared to 36. 36 per cent in her favor nation-wide. Her widespread support in East Bengal revealed the Bangali dissatisfaction with the Ayub Khan’s administration. During Ayub Khan’s rule, the Bangali intellectuals and the bourgeoisie became more and more vocal against the economic exploitation. The Bangali intellectuals made 3 arguments: one, East Bengal had been turned into a market to dump West Pakistani products; two, the foreign trade policy was biased in favor of West Pakistani interests; and three, the ruling elite allocated and distributed resources in favor of West Pakistan. The examination of the political economy of Pakistan reveals the exploitation of East Bengal by West Pakistan. The Awami League, which was championing the quest for autonomy, formulated a 6-point agenda that was accepted as its program. The program called for (i) a Federation based on the Lahore Resolution, (ii) central government dealt only with defense and foreign affairs, (iii) either two separate currencies for the two wings or same currency for both wings with provision that flight of capital is prevented and each wing maintain separate revenue accounts, (iv) the units be given the authority to levy taxes and to collect revenue, (v) separate foreign exchange accounts for both the wings, and (vi) setting up a para-military force for East Bengal. Mujibur Rahman presented this program as the magna carta of ending economic and socio-political exploitation. Mujibur Rahman was elected the President of the Awami League and launched a mass campaign in East Bengal to achieve the demands. The military regime took a attitude of confrontation and placed Mujib under detention. The Ayub Khan regime tried to ruin the credibility of Mujibur Rahman and his program by charging that he was involved in a conspiracy along with some junior Bangali military officials to secede from Pakistan and create an independent state in East Bengal with Indian aid. This case came to be known as the â€Å"Agartala Conspiracy Case. † The Bangalis protested against the fabrication of this case and demanded the unconditional release of Mujib. Mujib used his defense arguments in this case as an instrument to put forward his political program. Since the Bangalis did not believe in the claims of the government, the case cemented the cause of Bangali nationalism with Mujib’s 6-point program. Mujib’s popularity rose due to the charges levied against him; he became a national hero. The charges against Mujib led to a mass uprising in Bengal. President Ayub was forced to drop the case against Mujib. In order to resolve the crisis, the regime invited the Awami League to participate in the Round Table Conference (RTC) to discuss the political structure of the state and to set the ground work for resolving the national problems. The negotiations with the political parties did not succeed. The masses continued the demonstrations in the streets for a democratic political order and economic justice. The government was unable to end the thrust of popular politics and mass action. Ayub Khan was forced to resign. On March 25, 1969 he handed over power to the military chief Yayha Khan, allegedly on the grounds that only the military could preserve the state structure. During Ayub Khan’s rule, a centralized political system was established. This system could not channel the aspirations of the Bangali bourgeoisie. It did not provide a mechanism for the Bangali bourgeoisie to enhance its role in the the state’s decision making process. The centralized political system aggravated the call for provincial autonomy. Due to the failure of the Pakistani military-bureacratic elite to accommodate the demands for provincial autonomy for East Bengal, Bangali nationalist politics became more militant. Although there was an increase in national output and industrial production, the economic disparity between the regions did not diminish but rather increased. With the military in power the prospect of resolving the â€Å"national question† in Pakistan was effectively blocked because the state lacked a democratic mechanism that could execute changes in national institutions and policy. The Marginalization of the Bangalis under Pakistani Rule From 1947 to 1971, when East Bengal was a part of Pakistan, the Bangali bourgeoisie was the smaller shareholder of the Pakistani ruling structure. Its role was much weaker than the West Pakistani sections of the industrial, mercantile, military, and civilian bourgeoisie. As a result, East Bengal was exploited and colonized by the dominant elite of Pakistan. From the birth of the state, the Bangalis were subject to economic injustice and marginalization. The people’s frustration was expressed in their political struggle for ending military rule and for establishing a democratic order in the state. The Bangali bourgeois political leadership believed that a representative political structure would allow their economic, social, and political rights to be established. However, because of the structure of power in Pakistan, the plight of the Bangalis worsened. An examination of the economic situation of Pakistan during the period reveals this economic marginalization. The Bangalis as a nationality were not adequately represented in the civilian administration and military high command of the state. These posts were predominantly held by West Pakistanis. The following tables reveal the distribution of civilian and military posts on the basis of nationalities. Central Government Civil Service (1955) Position East Bengal West Pakistan Secretary 0 19 Joint Secretary 3 38 Deputy Secretary 10 123 Asistant Secretary 38 510 Source: Dawn, Karachi (1955) The lack of Bangali bourgeoisie representation in the central government allowed the center to direct its policy in favor of West Pakistan. The central government’s outlay for national development clearly demonstrates the bias inherent towards West Pakistan. The following table provides a breakdown of the development expenditure of the two wings. Development Outlay for Pakistan from 1947-48 to 1960-61 Category East Bengal West Pakistan In millions of Rupees Government Investment 1720 4300 Government Loans 184 2240 Aid 76 1010 The center’s development expenditure was concentrated on the further advancing of economic infrastructure of West Pakistan. For example, although water resource management for East Bengal was no less important than for West Pakistan, the central government attached more importance to the Indus Basin Accord with India rather than the question of Farraka dam barrage. The funding of Indus Basin water project came from the center’s allocation, not West Pakistan’s allocation. Thus, the Bangalis saw that while West Pakistani’s water resources were considered to be the center’s priorities, their water problems were being ignored. The disparity between the per capita income of the people of the two wings continued to increase. The table below demonstrates the increase in the disparity of Per Capita Income between the two wings: The Per Capita Income Distribution in Pakistan (In M Rupees) Year East Bengal West Pakistan Difference 1959-60 269 355 32% 1964-65 285. 5 419 46. % 1968-69 291 473. 4 62. 6% In terms of per capita income while the condition of the masses in West Pakistan was improving, the Bangalis found that the per capita income difference with their Western counterparts was actually increasing. The foreign trade statistics reveal that in the years 1947-67 of unified Pakistan, East Bengal was the major foreign excha nge earner while West Pakistan was in foreign trade debt. The table below shows: Foreign Trade Figures 1947-67 (In M Rupees) Position East Bengal West Pakistan Exports 20,982,391 15,704,714 Imports 15,183,796 34,388,211 Balance 5,798,595 -18,683,497 Source: Central Statistical Office (1967). As the table shows, East Bengal exported 57 per cent of Pakistan’s total exports but had only 30 per cent share of the total imports, while West Pakistan exported only 42 per cent of the total exports but its share of total imports was 70 per cent. Whereas East Bengal was a net exporter, West Pakistan was a net importer. The Western wing of the state had a greater share of Pakistan’s imports and used the foreign exchange earned by East Pakistan for its own benefit. Defense outlay for Pakistan was extremely high. From 1950-51 to 1968-69 the defense outlay was Rs. 1,178. 1 million. This constituted approximately 56 per cent of the total government outlay of that period. The anti-Indian rhetoric was used to boost defense expenditure. By levying taxes in East Bengal and spending it on West Pakistan the West Pakistani bourgeoisie benefited from the high defense outlay. The defense expenditure, which was in the forms of wages, contra cts, and investments, was primarily in West Pakistan. The apparent rationale for the concentration of military build-up was based upon the claim of the West Pakistani dominated military that â€Å"the security of East Bengal lay in the Western wing. The Pakistani military claimed that it would preserve the security of East Bengal with a pre-emptive strike from the Western Wing. During the 1965 Indo-Pakistan War over the Kashmir issue, East Bengal was left defenseless and vulnerable to Indian aggression. The view that that East Bengal security lay in West Pakistann no longer appealed to the Bangalis because the war cut-off East Bengal from West Pakistan and the rest of the world. Thus, the Bangalis learnt that in spite of their contribution to the expensive defense outlay, the central government did not attach much importance to East Bengal’s security. Their tax contribution towards defense has been diverted solely for the benefit of West Pakistan, not for their security. In essence, as the above arguments show, the fundamental nature of relation between East Bengal and West Pakistan from 1947 to 1971 was one of economic disparity. Because the Bangalis and the West Pakistani ruling elite could not reach a political settlement, this economic question became the main issue of their conflict. The nature of the economic development of Pakistan in 1950’s and 1960’s show that the disparity between the two wings became greater due to the economic policies adopted by the state. The Awami League used the regional economic disparity of East Bengal to show the need for its political program. The 6-point program of the Awami League was designed to address the Bangali nationalist consciousness regarding the increase of disparity. The Awami League presented its 6-point program as an instrument to end the economic exploitation of East Bengal. Bangali nationalism grew because the Pakistani ruling elite refused to recognize the demands of the Bangalis for political participation in the state and for the economic self-rule of East Bengal. The crisis climaxed following the 1970 elections, when the Awami League won a truimphant electoral victory because the party reflected the nationalist inspiration of the Bangalis. The failure of the Pakistani ruling elite to meet the demands of the Awami League program led to a political deadlock. The military refused to accept the 6-point program because it would reduce the military budget and dismantle the West Pakistani business interests in East Bengal. In order to prevent the Bangali political leadership from acquiring power, the military junta colluded with the West Pakistani bourgeoisie to crush Bangali nationalism. The military’s massacre of the Bangalis opened the road to the liberation of East Bengal. The Yayha Khan Regime The Yayha Khan regime did not have a strong base because it came to power following the mass agitation against the Ayub Khan regime. The crisis of Ayub Khan’s dictatorial rule led to the resumption of power by the military. The new regime tried to dispel any notion that it had a long-term objective of remaining in power by positing itself as an intermediary and transitional authority. The regime announced that it wanted to transfer power to the people’s representative and admitted that East Bengal had been denied a full share in the decision-making process. The regime dissolved the One Unit Scheme, and it promised that elections would be held on the basis of poular franchaise. In order to provide a legal facade, the regime promulgated a â€Å"Legal Framework Order† (LFO) for the purpose of Pakistan’s first general elections. According to the Legal Framework Order, the seats of the National Assembly, which was to frame the Constitution, would be distributed in conformity with the population of the provinces. The distribution of the seats was as follows: PROVINCES Seats East Bengal 169 The Punjab 85 Sind 28 Baluchistan 5 NWFP 19 Tribal Areas 7 Total 313 In spite of some objections to the structure and the mechanism of the proposed transition to democratic rule, the Awami League decided to participate in the elections. The leaders of the Awami League described the forthcoming elections as a â€Å"a referendum on the autonomy issue. † The Awami League argued that, if elected, they would implement the 6-point agenda and, thus, establish the due rights of the Bangalis. The nationalistic Awami League campaign reflected the mood of the Bangalis who had been long neglected in the political rule of Pakistan. The long campaign period allowed the Awami League to explain the pauperization of East Bengal in terms of the exploitative relation that existed between the two wings. The Bangali bourgeoisie saw this election as an opportunity to exercise the Bangali electoral strength to gain power and reverse their conditions. A Bangali journal captured the tone of the bourgeois intellectuals: â€Å"In East Pakistan, for the first time the grip of the power elite stands to be broken. Their first defeat will demoralize them as much as it will inspire the people of West Pakistan. † Such analysis assumed that the Bangalis’ struggle for autonomy would spontaneously transform to a common and united struggle of all the nationalities against the Pakistani ruling elite. However, Pakistan did not have a single transnational political organization that could unite the marginalized sections of Pakistani society. Hence, the other nationalities did not join the Bangali struggle. In November 1970, a devastating cyclone struck the coastal areas of East Bengal, killing thousands of people. However, the central government failed to aid the cyclone-strieken people. The government was severely criticized for treating the Bangalis in a callous manner. Mujib and other Awami League leaders toured the ravaged areas, including the off-shore islands. The political leadership urged the people to use the ballot-box to express their indignation at the treatment they received from the central government. In the election that followed, the Awami League won a triumphant victory. At the East Bengal Assembly elections, the results were as follows: Parties Seats Awami League 298 Other Parties 5 Independents 7 TOTAL 310 At the National Assembly elections, the Awami emerged as the majority party, as the table shows: Parties Seats Awami League 167 Pakistan People’s Party 88 Other Parties 44 Independents 14 TOTAL 313 The military, bureaucracy, and business, all West Pakistani-dominated, were shocked at the results because they faced the prospect that the central government’s power would be passed away to the Bangalis, if the Awami League were allowed to shape the constitution and form a government. The results of the election gave the Awami League the possibility of framing the constitution according to its 6-point program. The election put the Pakistani ruling elite in such a position that, if it allowed the democratic process to continue, then it would be unable to stop the Awami League from framing a constitution that would protect the Bangali interests. In West Pakistan, the Pakistan People’s Party, led by Z. A. Bhutto, emerged as the dominant party. Representing the interests of the West Pakistani bourgeoisie, Bhutto announced that the PPP would not allow any constitution to be framed without its consent and participation. The PPP declared that it would refuse to participate in any National Assembly session, as it was not â€Å"prepared to occupy Opposition benches. † Clearly, Bhutto was not only bargaining for personal position but also preserving West Pakistani hegemony. In this situation, tri-party negotiations and talks began among the Yayha regime, Mujib’s Awami League, and Bhutto’s PPP. The Yayha regime declared that the National Assembly session would be held on March 3, 1971. During the negotiations, the West Pakistani forces refused to accept the 6-point program. Bhutto colluded with the West Pakistani bourgeoisie and denounced the 6-point program as a secession plan. Although the West Pakistani military regime announced that the National Assembly would hold its session on March 3, 1971, the PPP decided to boycott the session. Bhutto threatened that the Assembly would be turned into a â€Å"slaughter house† if its memebrs endorsed a constitution based on the Awami League’s program. While the negotiations with the Awami League were proceeding, the military had decided to attack the Bangalis in order to crush their demands. The central government transferred army divisions from West Pakistan to East Bengal as part of its preparations. Yayha Khan dissolved the civilian cabinet and appointed a military cabinet. The military designed a plan titled â€Å"Operation Searchlight† with the objectives: one, treating the Awami League activities as rebellious; two, arresting the maximum number of political and student leaders and intellectuals; and three, demilitarizing the Bangali troops. The military regime continued the dialogue with Mujib in order to have the time to dispatch more troops into East Bengal. Although the Awami League was aware of the troop build-up, it continued the dialogue with the military. Its leadership did not predict that the military will strike the populace. The Awami League demanded the withdrawal of the troops and transfer of power to the elected representatives. During this period, there were clashes between the Bangalis and the military stationed in East Bengal, resulting in deaths of many civilians. The radicals within the Awami League and the student organizations called upon the Awami League leadership to declare independence. On March 7, 1971 Sheik Mujib, in an articulate and carefully phrased speech, asked the Bangalis to prepare for a resistance to the regime but stopped just short of declaring independence. The Awami League set up a non-violent and non-cooperation movement, which proved quite successful. The program adopted measures such as (i) refusal to pay tax, (ii) stoppage of the flight of capital from East wing to the West wing, (iii) observation of hartals (strikes), (iv) hoisting of black flags, (v) access to state-controlled media for the opposition, and (vi) setting up council of action under Awami League leadership. The directives of the Awami League were extremely successful, and the administrative control of East Bengal effectively passed from the Pakistani authorities to the Awami League. While the military prepared to strike the Bangalis, Yayha Khan flew to Dhaka on March 15, 1971 and gave the impression of renewing the negotiations with the Awami League. Bhutto also participated in the negotiations. The National Assembly session was put off again until March 25. During the talks the Awami League refused to compromise because its electoral victory was based on the support for the autonomy of East Bengal. The Awami League leaders still thought that negotiations with the military junta could be fruitful. It believed that it could obtain concessions from the military regime and from Bhutto’s Pakistan’s Peoples Party. The Awami League was not prepared for an armed showdown with the Pakistani military. The military dictator and the central government officials left Dhaka without prior notice. Immediately, at 11:00 p. m. on March 25, 1971, troop movements started. In Dhaka and elsewhere in East Bengal, the Pakistan army began an orgy of killings, rape, violence, and looting. Mujib declared Independence before he was arrested by the military. Other political leaders of the Awami League managed to escape to India, where they set up a provisonal government and organized the armed resistance to the Pakistani army. The Bangali troops, although Pakistani authorities ordered to disarm, resisted the Pakistan army and fought back. Thus, the Bangali National Liberation began its phase of armed struggle. The Birth of Bangladesh After winning the 1970 elections, the Awami League was not in a position to compromise its political program without being regarded as a traitor to the Bangali cause. Since the Awami League did not compromise, the negotiations with the regime broke down although the talks produced a semblance of agreement. As planned, the Pakistani army launched an attack on the Bangalis without warning, with a view to weaken and demolish Bangali nationalism. The military arrested Sheik Mujib, the leader of the Awami League. He had earlier sent a message declaring independence. The military launched a systematic attack on the Bangali people. The military shelled the Dhaka University, killing the university teachers and students; the soldiers broke into women’s dormitories and raped the women. They buried the dead in mass graves that were bull-dozed over by the tanks. The military used artillery and heavy machine gun fire to crush the Bangali civilians, the local police, and the Bangali troops. The military set up strongholds in Dhaka and in other parts of East Bengal. The Pakistani soldiers set ablaze working class parts of the shanty towns, markets, houses of political workers, and newspaper offices; and they shot civilians indiscriminantly. The military specially targeted the Hindu minority in East Bengal because they blamed â€Å"Hindu† India and the Hindu community in East Bengal as the master-mind behind Bangali secession plans. The Bangalis tried their best to escape the wrath of the Pakistan army. The crackdown was intended to demolish Bangali nationalism by inflicting cruelty and to prevent the Bangalis from exercising their right to self-determination. A Pakistani officer rationalized the military action thus: â€Å"We will kill them [Bangalis]—they have spoken enough—they are traitors, and we are not. We are fighting in the name of God and a united Pakistan. â€Å" After the first morning of military attack on the Bangalis, the leader of West Pakistan’s dominant party, Bhutto, was flown to West Pakistan, where he declared: â€Å"Pakistan has been saved by the grace of the Almighty. † The military attack on the Bangalis transformed the movement for attaining political self-rule into a national struggle of the Bangalis, irrespective of their political affiliation, religious preference, or class background. For the Bangalis, the military attack on the unarmed civilians proved that the West Pakistani ruling elite and the Pakistani army would not seek a negotiated settlement with the Bangali political leadership. The military attack upon the Bangalis was a campaign to destroy what the Bangalis were poised to achieve if the constitutional process were allowed to function. The Bangalis resisted the military action spontaneously with primitive arms, by building barricades, and by creating obstacles. In some places, particularly in the rural areas, where the military could not reach immediately, the public under the action committees set up by the Awami League proclaimed the formation of liberated zones. Bangali troops rebelled against the Pakistani army. Widely supported by the populace, the Bangali troops resisted, fought the Pakistan army, and initiated the liberation struggle. Some of the Awami League leaders had gone underground and escaped to India. Major Ziaur Rahman and some Bangali employees of the state Radio escaped and set up a clandestine radio station, in which Major Zia on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman urged the Bangalis to resist Pakistani rule and repression. Meanwhile, the elected Bangali members of the National Assembly and the Provincial Assembly gathered in a liberated zone of East Bengal and proclaimed independence of the state of Bangladesh from Pakistan. The Awami League was able to retain control of the main thrust of the movement for the national liberation of Bangladesh. The Awami League established a interim government led by Tajuddin. Tajuddin was extremely efficient and successful in the management of the government in exile. The Bangladesh government in exile established contact with the Indian authorities. The Awami League established guerrilla training camps and retained control over the guerrilla movement. The Bangladesh government-in-exile launched an international campaign using non-resident Bangalis abroad as the spokespersons for the Bangali cause. Several Bangalis in the Pakistani civil and diplomatic services defected in favor of the government of Bangladesh. The government-in-exile was able to build a reliable bureaucratic machinery in Calcutta, which functioned well for a government outside the parameters of the state. The Awami League was able to convince the Indian authorities of the need to support the struggle for the national liberation of Bangladesh. The profound international sympathy for the Bangalis was a result of the massacre of the Bangalis and the influx into India of 10 million refugees who escaped from the Pakistani army brutality. In West Bengal, the Indian Bangalis were extremely generous although they themselves possessed few resources. The Bangalis received substantial support from the Indian authorities in the form of guerrilla training, facilities, arms and ammunition to fight the military regime. The dynamics of the international situation altered with the signing of the Indo-Soviet treaty, which guaranteed the security of India. The government of India recognized Bangladesh on December 6, 1971. With Indians allying with Bangalis in the National Liberation of Bangladesh, the joint forces of Bangladesh and India was able to overcome the Pakistani army easily. The Bangali guerrillas had penetrated into East Bengal and had expert knowledge of the terrain and the activities of the Pakistan army. The Indian forces possessed superior fire-power and better troops. The Indians cutoff the air links between East Bengal and West Pakistan. The Pakistan army could not receive new supplies or further troop support. With the introduction of Indian forces, the Pakistan army was being defeated in all the battles. Realizing the possibility of total annihilation, the Pakistan army surrendered to the joint command of Bangladesh and Indian forces on December 16, 1971. With the unconditional surrender of the Pakistani army, Bangladesh was finally liberated. The National Liberation of Bangladesh was the result of the transformation of the political struggle of the Bangali bourgeoisie to attain power into the nat How to cite Independence Day of Bangladesh, Essay examples